PSSOC
The Ainu and Their Fight for Existence in Japan
Gemma Tabet, Year 1 at Sciences Po Paris
About the Artwork
The artwork by Gemma Tabet is inspired by Ainu culture, and was created using mixed media: alcohol markers with digital art. The work takes direct inspiration from photographs and texts of Ainu traditions and peoples, and thus the art serves as a glimpse into this rich and unique history. Inspiration came from photographers like Roderick Eime, Yathin Krishnappa, Laura Liverani, Tetsuo Nakahara, Lucas Vallecillos, as well as the Minneapolis Institute of Art and the Mandarin Maison Antiques. In the artwork I have depicted a brown bear, who holds particular spiritual importance for the Ainu. I also recreated a citarpe or a traditional Ainu mat, used during ceremonies, and made of bulrush and dyed inner tree bark. Both Ainu women and men wear amip, robes made of cotton (as in my drawing) or of a fabric called attush, made of the inner bark of elm trees, linden, or nettle plants. The garments are recognisable for their sewed patterns, like moreu (spirals) which are added to cuffs, hems, collars, and backs to ward off evil spirits. These patterns also have political meaning; for example the kiraw motif (thorned lines extending into corners) was made longer as a form of resistance against the treatment of Ainu women by Wajn men. The Ainu woman is wearing a matanpushi (headband), a tamasai or long necklace of glass beads with a large pendant, a rekutunpe or necklace of cloth with metal plaques, and ninkari or earrings of brass with balls on the end. Atop her robe she is also wearing a mantari or apron, worn too by men. The Ainu man is wearing a ceremonial crown called sapanpe, and is holding his sword or emushi, which is held by a fabric sword-holder called emushi-at. These terms are derived from a variety of sources: Kaizawa Tamami for Garland Magazine, Obihiro Centennial Hall, TOTA, and The Foundation for Ainu Culture.
Author bio: Gemma Tabet is a first-year undergraduate at Sciences Po Paris (Le Havre campus, Asia-Pacific specialisation). She is Swiss, Italian and Filipino, and has lived in Vietnam, Bangladesh, Rwanda, and Switzerland (hence her interest in international relations and political science). She loves writing, whether creative or journalistic, as it’s a tool to explore the world around me. She blogs at https://www.thegwordbygemma.com.
Editor’s note: This article was originally published in the February issue of Le Dragon Dechaine (LDD), the student newsletter of Sciences Po Paris (Le Havre campus, Asia-Pacific specialisation). It is republished here, with only minor edits, as part of a partnership between LDD and PSSOC.
Today, the United Nations Educational, Scientific, and Cultural Organisation (UNESCO) recognises the Ainu language as “critically endangered”. The Ainu are one of Japan’s indigenous peoples, and live in the northernmost islands of the archipelago (International Work Group for Indigenous Affairs – IWGIA, 2024). The Ainu first developed early settlements in Sakhalin, the Kuril Islands, and the entirety of Hokkaido (previously known as Ezo in Ainu terminology) (IWGIA, 2024). Traditionally, as a hunter-gatherer community, their settlements or ainu mosir (Okada, 2012) were located near the ocean — a focal point for later trade with the Wajn (dominant mainland group in Japan). Their culture revolves around animism, recognising that spirits or gods, called kamuy (Minority Rights Group), are found in all living beings and objects, and thus Ainu livelihoods and habits are closely tied to nature. Yet today, the Ainu mainly reside in Hokkaido or in urban centres throughout Honshu (the main island of Japan), after facing Japanese colonialism (Clerq, 2017). This ethnic community experiences a variety of challenges brought by forced displacement, as well as historical and modern discrimination, that has caused a deep struggle to maintain the Ainu culture and identity.
The Ainu’s origins are not well documented, due to the lack of a written language until the 20th century (Minority Rights Group), and historical efforts by the Japanese government to eradicate the culture. A variety of theories exist, amongst them the belief the Ainu are descendants of the proto-Mongoloid Jomon people from the Neolithic age, after DNA studies found a matching genetic marker (Clerq, 2017). After settling in the three islands of the Japanese archipelago, three sub-groups formed (distinguished by geographic area), which led to slight variations in traditions and practices (Ohnuki-Tierney for eHRAF World Cultures). For example, the Hokkaido Ainu established more advanced hunting techniques using trained dogs, stingray poison, and detachable spearheads (Ohnuki-Tierney for eHRAF World Cultures). Particularly, the Ainu are known for a rich and highly developed oral tradition as a source of knowledge and values (Ohnuki-Tierney for eHRAF World Cultures). A notable religious tradition is the bear ceremony or bear iomante, due to the importance of this animal in Ainu culture as a true kamuy or supreme deity (Akulov and Tonno, 2022). The practice involves raising a bear cub for one to two years to then sacrifice it to establish a connection with the world of the kamuy, bringing successful hunting (Akulov and Tonno, 2022).
However, the modern world has brought harsh challenges to the Ainu peoples, causing a vast loss of identity and culture. Early Japanese colonialism and recent political policies have led to a history of discrimination that threatens to further eradicate this vulnerable community.
The first Japanese documentation of the Ainu is found in the Suwa Daimyojin Ekotoba (1356), describing three groups in Ezo, or modern day Hokkaido. Thus began the exploitation of the Ainu, regarded as barbarians, resulting in the Japanese government annexing Hokkaido in 1869 and labelling the Ainu as Japanese, in an effort to erase them as a unique ethnic group (Minority Rights Group). Discrimination and forced assimilation continued during the Meiji period, as an integral part of governmental efforts to build one united ‘modernised’ nation with a singular race and culture (Siripala, 2020). For example, the Census Registration Act of 1871 forced the Ainu to adopt Japanese last names and many Ainu practices, like traditional hunting and fishing, were banned (Minority Rights Group). The Wajn were encouraged to immigrate to Hokkaido, causing the population to grow to 1.5 million between 1890 and 1936 (Nakamura, 2008), hastening the displacement of the Ainu.
Colonial policies continued under the guise of protection, with the Former Aborigines Protection Act in 1899 allocating the Ainu farmland with a set quota (Okada, 2012). Most Ainu, traditionally non-farmers, failed to meet the quota and were sent to factories and mines (Uemura, 2008). Meanwhile, the Act promoted Japanese education, forbidding students from speaking their native language (Siripala, 2020). Post-World War II developments escalated the situation, as agricultural land reforms between 1947 and 1949 (Takigawa, -), with aims to abolish the landlord system of land ownership, caused the Ainu to lose 40% of the land they rented to Wajn farmers (Siripala, 2020). Through continuous colonial policies by the Japanese government, aimed to eradicate this indigenous group, the Ainu were deprived of their traditions, lands, and culture (Siripala, 2020), causing a sharp decline in population (Minority Rights Group).
Legal changes began from 1991, when Japan recognised that the Ainu were an ethnic minority (Amnesty International, 1993) but not an indigenous people (the latter occurred officially in 2008). This was followed in 1997 by the adoption of the Ainu Culture Promotion Act, officially abolishing the harmful century-old 1899 Former Aborigines Protection Act (Minority Rights Group). Yet, today the Ainu still suffer from discrimination and the resulting social and economic marginalisation. This is due to historic efforts to obstruct Ainu needs at the highest levels of the Japanese government by denying Ainu discrimination and existence. For example, in 2020, former Deputy Prime Minister Asō Tarō apologised after stating that “no other country but this one has lasted as long as 2,000 years with one language, one ethnic group, and one dynasty”.
The result has been poor living and educational outcomes for the Ainu — a survey in 2013 by the Hokkaido government found that only 25.8% of Ainu go to university, compared to the national average of 42%. In particular, the Japanese government has yet to recognise Ainu rights to ancestral land and resources, offering only limited harvesting rights (IGWIA, 2024). An ongoing lawsuit, filed in 2020 against the national and Hokkaido governments by the Raporo Ainu Nation, argues that Japan isn’t respecting the 2007 United Nations Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples (Japan Times, 2023). Japan, a signing party of the declaration, is said to not acknowledge traditional rights to hunt and fish, specifically surrounding the issue of salmon, which the Ainu can only fish for cultural purposes, thus not respecting Article 26 — “they have the right to own, use, develop and control the lands, territories and resources”. The Ainu today struggle to find their identity and culture — with dwindling fluent speakers and wide integration in Japanese lifestyles, few practise their traditions outside of ceremonies or festivals (Singh, 2024).
In conclusion, it is evident that the Ainu face a multitude of challenges linked to the historical effects of internal colonialism by the Japanese government to ensure a culturally and ethnically homogenous nation. This escalated during the Meiji Era, which developed policies and beliefs that to this day still harm the Ainu, and have contributed to the immeasurable loss of their unique culture and way of life. Education and income gaps, paired with continuous discrimination, has caused, for example, the sharp decline in fluent speakers of Ainu. Today, only the Hokkaido dialect remains, with the last speaker of the Sakhalin dialect reportedly passing away in 1994 (UNESCO).
There are numerous organisations and projects run by Ainu to preserve and fight for their identity and rights. One such is the Ainu Association of Hokkaido, which aims to work to improve the community’s social status and “establish dignity of the Ainu people”. Another project working to preserve the Ainu culture and reconstruct their identity is Ainu Today, a global platform run by Ainu that showcases their practices, art, and academia works. The Ainu have long protested and demanded reforms of the Japanese government, asking for policies that better respect human rights and ensure the expansion of employment measures, as well as introducing Ainu language and culture in education (Hokkaido University, 2010). The Ainu possess a unique way of life tied to nature that must be protected. As Ainu activist Koichi Kaizawa poignantly states, “We are a living people. We are not a culture only… We would like to recover our rights as human beings.”
Disclaimer from author: As a student, I don’t have the full capacity nor time to delve into the complexities of each ethnic community. My intention is to create a space dedicated to introducing readers to different minorities and their plights, to raise awareness and to encourage further readings into such topics. My art piece of each ethnic community is not an accurate representation of the culture as a whole, but an artistic interpretation based on primary photographs and references of historical traditions.
Bibliography
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